The Hungry Tide: Exploring Diasporic Identity https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10794635
Author(s): Dr. Md Naushad Alam
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10794635
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Volume 15 | Issue 1 | Feb 2024
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Dalit Feminist Voices Opposing Patriarchy and Caste
Dr. Mohd Shamim
Associate Professor,
Department of English,
Halim Muslim PG College, Kanpur.
Dr. Bushra
Assistant Professor,
Department of English,
Halim Muslim PG College, Kanpur.
&
Dr. Usha Sahu
Lecturer,
Mulayam Singh Mahavidhyalaya Yashoda Nagar Kanpur.
Article History: Submitted-13/12/2023, Revised-15/02/2024, Accepted-16/02/2024, Published-29/02/2024.
Abstract:
Dalit women are among the most oppressed and disenfranchised members of
India’s caste-based society. They have been affected by the caste structural system, which
has preserved the ethos of inequality and power separation. Consequently, these
individuals have become victims. In every aspect of life, they are in a wretched situation,
far worse than the upper caste women. Women of the Dalit caste face numerous prejudices
and disadvantages, including economic hardship, gender discrimination, and caste-based
prejudice and disadvantages. In India, feminist rhetoric is silent on the issue of caste and
its intersection with gender. Hunger, malnutrition, disease, physical and mental torture,
rape; illiteracy, illness, unemployment, insecurity, and violent treatment are only some of
the horrific manifestations of brutality, exploitation, and oppression that people endure.
The combined effects of patriarchy, casteism, and feudalism have transformed their
existence into a daily hell. The vast majority of people are forced to live perpetually
perilous lifestyles. Even in this modern and postmodern day, they continue to live in a
more primitive time. Due to the fact that different theories emphasize the oppression of
Dalit women, the focus of this research paper will be on how the oppression of Dalit
women occurred in a variety of situations.
Keywords: Dalit, Exploitation, harassment, Violence, Empowerment, Gender.
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Introduction
The goal of feminism is to give women more power, but it has ignored the
suffering of women who are emotionally and physically repressed and lack the knowledge,
information, and ability to improve their position in society. Kimberlee Crenshaw (1991)
asserts that feminist theory only addresses one marginalized identity (gender) and
disregards the convergence of several operational identities. This is the point she makes in
the aforementioned book. Many young women and girls find the concept of feminism to
be remote and vague. As a result of the connected oppressions of being Dalit and a woman,
Dalit women have had experiences that are distinct from those of other women on the
Indian subcontinent. Due to the two forms of prejudice faced by these women, we must
recognize them as a distinct group whose experiences as Dalit women cannot be reduced
to those of either Dalits or women. It alludes to the complementary nature of these two
identities. Both traditional feminism and the patriarchal Dalit literary movement have
disregarded the difficulties faced by Dalit women. Neither of these movements has
attempted to address these obstacles. Dalit women experience prejudice based on their
gender, caste, and socioeconomic status. Their situation is attributable to their caste.
Despite being unethical and prohibited by the Indian constitution, the caste system
survives in Indian society. This is because the caste system is deeply ingrained in the
thoughts of individuals and is maintained by cultural traditions and beliefs. The Indian
caste system determines a person’s place and status at the time of their birth. It possesses
two qualities: “purity and pollution” (which suggests “dirty”) and “endogamy” (caste
marriage). The institution of caste is both religious and political. The Hindu caste system
is referred to as Varna, which translates to “order,” “color,” and “class.” In Hindu literature,
Varna represents a hierarchical social order. Brahmins (priests and instructors), Kshatriyas
(rulers and warriors), Vaishyas (traders and merchants), and Shudras (the lowest caste) are
the order of the Varna system (servants). In Varna, the caste and class structures were
distinct. Caste was directly related to one’s occupation. Marx and Engels (1845-46, p. 63)
noted that the caste system sprang from the Indians’ fundamental division of labor. They
argued against the idealistic premise that the caste system of work division had become
obsolete. Marx believed that caste was a form of labor division .In addition to abject
poverty, Dalit women in India experience sexual harassment, physical abuse, and
economic exploitation. In India, Gail Obvert, a feminist scholar, refers to women of the
Dalit caste as “Dalit among Dalit.” Dr. Ambedkar drew a parallel between the structure of
Hindu castes and a pyramid-shaped earthenware pot. Brahmin and Kshatriya women have
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less influence and face greater discrimination. Dalits, particularly Dalit women, make up
the lowest socioeconomic class. Dalit women endure hurdles unique from those confronted
by other Indian women. Among other fundamental rights, they lack access to human rights,
education, money, dignity, social status, and religious freedom. They are compelled to
interact with the outside world because they are impoverished and must earn a living. They
are looked down upon by men and women of higher castes, even their own men, due to
their position as Dalits. Despite this, they have worked incredibly hard and made
significant contributions to India’s development. Their efforts are in no way
acknowledged. Their pleas for aid are typically disregarded. When discussing issues such
as women’s marginalization in the development process, the feminization of poverty, or
women’s contribution to India’s unorganized sector, we fail to pinpoint the distinctive
characteristics of these groups of women ( Menon:1981). It is sad that India’s mainstream
women’s movement has disregarded the issue of Dalit women. There are few books about
Dalit women (Vyas:1993). Dr. B. R. Ambedkar discusses in his works on the dilemma of
women how Manu hampered women’s independence and denied them equal rights.
Various accounts refer to Manu as the “great oppressor.” He campaigned for modifications
to Hindu law to better accommodate the needs of women.
Dalit women in India a subject to the caste system
Caste, in its most fundamental form, is a system of social stratification in which
individuals are ranked as superior or inferior depending on their occupations. There are
tens of thousands of distinct castes and subcastes, all of which are ordered hierarchically
and are interconnected in intricate ways that span a wide variety of geographical regions.
Despite the fact that caste is tightly intertwined into India’s social structure. Even the
earliest civilizations, including those in China, Africa, Greece, and Rome, had some form
of caste structure. However, what distinguishes the history of caste in India from that of
other countries is that it is sanctioned by religion; as a result, industrialization, progress,
and democratization did little to cure this sickness. The term “Dalit” is derived from the
Hindi word “dalan,” which can be translated as “broken” or “oppressed.” According to
Mary C. Grey’s interpretation in, the term “Dalit” means “broken” or “crushed.” The Dalits
believe that they are broken people who have been intentionally crushed by the caste
system, just as the lentils used to make Dal, a globally popular lentil-based dish, are
crushed to make the sauce. In the Government of India Act of 1935, the British invented
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the phrase Schedule Castes to refer to the “depressed castes.” This term was first used by
the British. However, there is substantial disagreement regarding the classification of
Dalits as Schedule castes. This is because many members of the community do not identify
with the term “Dalit,” and they believe that emphasizing the term will foster a sense of
alienation, hence creating animosity between “lower castes” and “upper castes.”
Corelation of Caste and Women
Despite producing a sort of institutionalized inequality that relegates women to
the status of passive observers, the intellectual framework of Brahminism is equally
alluring to women. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a key figure in the anti-caste movement in India,
defined caste as an endogamous unit. He confirmed that caste operated as a contained
entity with distinct features; nevertheless, when these traits are correctly understood, the
marriage prohibition emerges as the core of caste. These statistics can be interpreted to
suggest that endogamy is the driving force behind the social structure that supports caste.
Due to a comprehensive ban on marrying outside of one’s caste, it is impossible to escape
the harsh system that reasserts brahman power.
As a result of endogamy, marriage becomes a distinguishing trait of caste, and it
is this trait that ritualizes female sexuality in a hierarchical order. Uma Chakravarty does
an excellent job in her work “Gendering Caste Through a Feminist Lens” of studying the
relationship between caste and marriage. She notes that endogamy has not been a
prominent characteristic of the majority of primordial populations throughout history.
Consequently, its invulnerability in certain communities worked primarily to sustain the
uniqueness and confinement of a group through general reproduction. In India, in order to
preserve jati, social and economic privileges were concentrated within a single group,
namely the higher castes. This was done to retain the superior position of the upper castes
(caste).Given that the entire concept of marriage is tied to a person’s birth and genealogy,
it is especially important for women to maintain the purity of their bloodline. Due to the
centrality of marriage in the power structure, women are submissive to their male
counterparts. Thus, women are forced to the bottom of the caste system, which is
institutionalized and profoundly rooted in inequity. In light of this, it is essential to reiterate
Dr. Ambedkar’s statement that the caste system is “an ascending scale of reverence and a
decreasing scale of contempt”.
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Patriarchy A brief Introduction
The Hindu religion’s classical literature, which immortalizes the concept of purity
versus contamination, plays a crucial part in the maintenance of caste relations in Indian
culture. The Vedas were presented under the garb of a rational explanation in order to
successfully steal the sacred status of their subject matter. In addition to strengthening
patriarchy as an institution, these privilege displays indicate and support the legitimacy of
caste. The 1986 publication “The Creation of Patriarchy,” Gerda Lerner’s most significant
work, examines the historical context of the interaction between patriarchy and other
structures. She asserts that “images, metaphors, and myths” are responsible for the
dominance of patriarchal and sexist practices, rather than biological or psychological
differences between male and female bodies, and that this is due to historical
circumstances. She is making reference to long-standing patriarchal and misogynistic
traditions. Thus, we can conclude that patriarchy in Indian Hindu civilization was the
product of historical processes that were intellectually rooted in the Brahmanical texts. In
light of the preceding, this is understandable. Uma Chakravarty invented the term
“Brahmanical patriarchy,” which does not relate to the patriarchy that exists within the
Brahman Castes. Instead, it refers to a type of patriarchy based on the caste system
established in Brahmanical literature. It connects caste hierarchy and gender inequality in
ways that elevate concepts of chaste brides and selfless mothers in order to restrict
women’s behavior and maintain caste borders, hence contributing to the perpetuation of
gender inequality. Through the degrading practices of sati (forced widowhood) and girl
marriage, control over women’s sexuality was praised as a technique of endogamy. This
was done in order to promote endogamy (child marriage). The only social standing
privilege granted to women was the right to submit themselves, which necessitated
surrendering control over their own will. This institutionalized control within marriage
resulted in the denial of women’s access to social and economic resources, which led to
torture and serious abuses of their freedom. Due to a lack of social and economic resources,
these tragedies were perpetrated on women.
The worldview of the Dalits about women
In addition to being a social force, cultural icon, and historical figure, the Dalit
woman is also a symbol. She is the most notable attribute of a civilization based on
agriculture. She is the legitimate builder and heir to a pivotal character in the industrial
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manufacturing culture. Her contributions to the construction of new buildings and the
paving of new roads are significant. She works as a foulest at hospitals, textile factories,
cement companies, and quarries. It is estimated that eighty percent of the labor that
contributes to the national economy is performed by Dalit women. She is concerned about
the welfare of the family. To obtain water, feed, fuel, and other supplies, she had to go a
great distance. She rises before the roosters begin to crow.
The first thing she does every morning is sprinkle water mixed with cow
manure in front of the house. She rises with the light and begins her day by tending the
crops. The moment she arrives home in the evening, she immediately begins her daily
cleaning. She consumes very little food, sleeps extremely late at night, and mends her
clothing. These are all signs of malnutrition. In India, those who have devoted their lives
to assisting and advancing their family, society, and nation are today experiencing great
difficulty. Currently, she is battling for her life and existence. Because she is a woman and
a Dalit, she faces numerous challenges in life. Even basic Hindi characters and words are
beyond their comprehension, and their signatures are illegible scrawls. They have
difficulty counting numerals beyond nine or ten. Surprisingly, it appears they have no
interest in receiving education through non-formal or adult channels. They find little value
in educating their children, especially their women, because they feel education will not
benefit them, will not be relevant to their actual life circumstances, and will not result in
major work or career opportunities. They are both unwilling to do so.
The Attitude of Dalitness Towards Women
In addition to physical limitations on women’s activities, preconceived beliefs
of ritual impurity underscored the fact that women were viewed as impure due to their
menstrual, reproductive, and sexual functions. These beliefs justified her inferior ritual
position and inability to control her sexuality for the Caste’s sake. All of her problems
stemmed from her frustrated sexual need. Due to their inability to control their sexual
appetites, women from lower castes were considered impure. If members of lower castes
behaved like Brahmins, caste distinctions would not be necessary. Gender differentiation
facilitated caste differentiation, and gender ideology was used to justify patriarchal and
caste-based organizations. Members of all castes have experienced Dalitness;
nevertheless, members of the lowest caste and outcaste women have been subjected to the
most patriarchal repression at the hands of higher caste males and male members of their
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own caste. It was possible for a lower caste to ascend the social ladder over numerous
generations if its economic position improved, but economic strength alone was
inadequate. Due to the caste’s obligation to practice ritual purity, women’s autonomy was
restricted. Controlling the sexuality, mobility, and inheritance rights of women advances
the caste system. According to renowned sociologist M.N. Srinivas, Sanskritization
“makes women more difficult.” It is believed that female desire and the capacity of women
to introduce blood of inferior quality into “clean” upper castes pose a danger to the stability
of caste hierarchies. Women were frequently observed and monitored. On the increase
were purdah and solitude. By constructing patriarchal nuclear families, Aryans
domesticated women. Like farms, women quickly became the property of men. Because
only sons could inherit land, having boys was viewed as highly important. Women Due to
the impurity brought on by menstruation, women were unable to perform some rituals. In
order to ensure a happier afterlife, therefore, a son was required to carry on the family
name and light his father’s funeral pyre.
A Movement Representing the Voices of Dalit Women
In the decades following India’s independence, the Dalit and women’s
movements fought for the rights of those who were discriminated against based on their
caste or gender. However, these measures failed to account for the unique challenges faced
by Dalit women. Consequently, the 1990s witnessed the emergence of a number of
distinct, autonomous, and self-governing affirmations of Dalit women’s identity. On the
state level, the founding of the National Federation for Dalit Women (NFDW) and the All-
India Dalit Women’s Forum is one such instance (AIDWF). In 1995, the Maharashtra Dalit
Mahila Sangha tana (MDMS) was created. The Bahujan Mahila Parishad (BMP) was a
women’s organization created the year before by the women’s wing of the Bhartiya
Republican Party (BRP) and the Bahujan Mahila Sangha (BMS). In December 1996, the
Vikas Vanchit Dalit Mahila Parishad (VVDMP) was founded in Chandrapur. This meeting
saw the introduction of a motion to establish December 25 as Bhartiya Smriti Divas. On
this date, Ambedkar burned the Manu Smriti. The Christi Mahila Sanghatana was created
in 1997 as an organization for Dalit Christian women. These organizations have
collaborated on a variety of issues, such as the Bhartiya Stree Mukti Divas festival and the
issue of reserving seats in parliamentary bodies for women from other backward classes.
The network of the Indian Association for Women Studies (IAWS) had presented distinct
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topics on the difficulties and identities encountered by Dalit women from various areas
(Raja : 2003). The emphasis placed on the education of women from lower castes is a
significant factor that has contributed to the development of Dalit women’s identity.
Savitribai and Mahatma Phule established a school for untouchable girls in 1848 as a
reformist initiative. This was a pivotal moment in the process of transforming the status of
Dalit women. ( Raja: 2003). The ideas and actions of Dr. Ambedkar significantly improved
the lives of Dalit women. His movement, especially his organizations, pushed several Dalit
women to gain an education so that they might engage in public life and attain positions
of leadership. In the modern age, women’s self-esteem motivated them to join
organizations for Dalit women at the regional, state, and national levels. His movement
encouraged female education. (Rao: 1997).
Caste and gender that have historically held power find it simple to violate the
human rights of Dalit women since they are at the bottom of the social hierarchy. As a
result of the violence perpetrated against them, Dalits are subjected to the gravest human
rights violations. Dalit and tribal women are being raped as part of an effort by upper caste
officials, land lords, and police to quell protests calling for a minimum wage, the resolution
of share cropping disputes, or the restoration of lost lands (Human Watch Report, 1998).
Increasing the Empowerment of Dalit Women
One of the explicit goals inherent in the preamble, fundamental rights, and
directive principle of state policy of the Indian Constitution is the attainment of gender
equality. This was one of the clear objectives that were set. Due to the multidimensional
nature of social development and its disparate effects on distinct subgroups of women, the
status of women cannot be accurately described in this context. Political authority in this
country has been the sole domain of a small group of powerful upper-caste males for a
very long time. As a result, opportunities for reform and improvement have been denied
to the oppressed, and the predicament of Dalit women has received little attention. This
demonstrates the depth of social inequality. Unfortunately, the women who held positions
of power and benefited from it contributed to the oppression of other women by ignoring
their suffering and making no effort to better their social, economic, or political standing.
Nonetheless, it is reasonable to conclude that they contributed significantly to the creation
of social programs and regulations pertaining to the welfare of women. It is deeply
upsetting and terrible that Dalit women are not included when evaluating their
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participation in political action and their potential contribution to the national development
process. Government positions of leadership, organizational structure, and power
distribution are dominated by men in politics. In Indian politics, both money and caste are
significant, but money and caste are exceptionally potent. Prioritize women’s participation
in the political process in light of their struggle against oppression. The engagement of
women in decision-making is closely proportional to their socioeconomic standing.
Despite the fact that Dalit women’s political status and activity are tiny, all of India’s major
parties have completely ignored them. It is extremely depressing that Dalit women have
been denied representation in any political party, as this symbolizes the cultural divide.
The majority of women who participate in political activities and the distribution of power
are upper-caste women from influential families.
Conclusion
This study examines gender through the lens of caste and gives a variety of
perspectives to the challenges that Dalit women experience, as well as new insights into
their marginal geographical reality. This study examines the various incarnations of Dalit
women’s status, including their relationships with oppressive social structures, mainstream
Indian feminism, the Dalit movement, Dalit literature, violence, historical uprisings, and,
last but not least, an emerging hope in Dalit-futurist feminism. Dalit women have been
subjected to persecution, marginalization, and silencing throughout history, but they have
also shown rebellion against the repressive casteist and patriarchal social structure. This
study promotes debate and liberatory change regarding the difficulties that impact Dalit
women and provides a variety of answers to the problems that Dalit women experience in
the caste-based Indian society in which they reside.
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Dr. Md Naushad Alam
