Cultural Significance of Yeti in Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti” https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684474

Cultural Significance of Yeti in Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti”

https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684474

Author(s): Pooja Thulasan & Prof. (Dr.) Indrani Singh Rai

DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684474

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Volume 15 | Issue 4 | August 2024

Pages: 301-308

The Criterion: An International Journal in English Vol. 15, Issue-IV, August 2024 ISSN: 0976-8165
www.the-criterion.com
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10448030
Cultural Significance of Yeti in Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the
Yeti”
Pooja Thulasan
Ph.D. Scholar,
Amity School of Languages,
Amity University Chhattisgarh.
&
Prof. (Dr.) Indrani Singh Rai
Professor & Head,
Amity School of Languages,
Amity University Chhattisgarh.
Article History: Submitted-14/07/2024, Revised-14/08/2024, Accepted-24/08/2024, Published-31/08/2024.
Abstract:
The current paper examines the quest for the existence of the abominable snowman in
Bhutan, particularly the yeti, and its cultural significance in Kunzang Choden’s collections of
short stories, “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti.” The tales of Bhutanese folk stories are amazingly
diverse both in topics and genres, covering fairy tales, stories of Masang, which means
individuals possessing extra-ordinary physical strength, tales of the yeti and migoi referring to
demons, stories of wit and foolishness, sexually themed narratives, humorous anecdotes,
stories contrasting the lives of the wealthy and that of the poor, tales of talking animals, ghost
stories, vampire legends, stories illustrating lessons regarding envy consequences, and
narratives involving gods and spirits. These different stories provide deep insights into the
ethical, religious, and lifestyle patterns of the Bhutanese people. The ape-like beings, yetis, or
Sinpos, are part and parcel of the cultural richness of this landlocked kingdom. Though their
occurrence in stories may seem a bit daunting at first glance, they form part of this vibrant
tapestry of mythic beings which inhabit Bhutan’s folklore.
Keywords: Cultural representation, beliefs, folk stories, supernatural beings.
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https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684474

Cultural Significance of Yeti in Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti”
www.the-criterion.com
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10448030
Introduction
Archer Taylor’s Folklore methodology looks archaic in today because the discipline has
undergone tremendous transformation. however, in his work, one finds valuable insight into
the developing years of folklore studies in America and their foundational concepts. Folklore
consists of all cultural elements transmitted by tradition stories, songs, sayings, and practices.
These could be in words, such as folktales and proverbs, or physical objects and material
traditions, such as on traditional tools and adornments. Other examples are traditional beliefs
and practices involving rituals, as in the use of salt against evil spirits, the healing property of
plants, and so on. Folklore essentially carries within it the symbolic meaning of a large amount
of cultural heritage passed across generations within communities. Taylor defined folklore as
something handed down by tradition, either by word of mouth or by customs and practices. It
considers folktales, folksongs, riddles, proverbs, and other oral traditions. It includes traditional
tools and physical objects like fences, knots, hot cross buns, Easter eggs, traditional
ornamentation like the walls of Troy, and traditional symbols like Swastika. Moreover, folklore
includes such traditional actions as throwing salt over one’s shoulder or knocking on wood and
traditional beliefs – for example, that elder is good for eye ailments. (Taylor 216)
Bhutanese folk stories are tremendously diverse in both topics and genres. These are
such fairy tales, stories of Masang, people of extraordinary physical strength; tales of Yeti and
migoi, referring to demons; stories of wit and foolishness; sexually themed narratives;
humorous stories contrasting the lives of the wealthy and those of the poor; tales of talking
animals; ghost stories; vampire legends; stories that illustrate consequences of envy; or
narratives involving gods and spirits. These are different stories that imply a lot about the ethics,
beliefs, and Bhutanese way of life. Kunzang Choden is a well-known Bhutanese writer and the
first female English novelist whose treatment of the oral tradition is holographically inscribed
in her motherland in English. She was born in Bumthang in central Bhutan in 1952, when
Bhutan was gradually changing from hermit-like seclusion tenant modernization and socio-
economic development. It is her interest in folklore and a concern that much of Bhutan’s rich
cultural heritage might get lost in this transition that motivated her to compile the folk tales of
this remote Himalayan kingdom. “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti” is a collection of twenty-six
short stories on the Yeti, the abominable snowman of the Himalayas, published by Smashwords,
Thailand, in 1997. Folk tales have been described about different regions: Laya, Bumthang,
Kurtoi, and Merak and Sakteng. These areas are set with geographical, historical, and cultural
details that come alive through tales of the Yeti.

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https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10448030
Origin of Bhutanese Yeti
The ape-like creatures, Yetis, or Sinpos, go to form an intrinsic part of the cultural
vivacity across this landlocked kingdom. Though their presence inside stories may be
somewhat intimidating at first sight, they are an essential component in the rich tapestry of
mythic beings that populate Bhutan’s stories. Early in the 20th century, the belief that some
sightings of the Yeti could be explained by the Himalayan brown bear was notably forwarded
by zoologist Reginald I. Pocock. As arranged above, tracks described as belonging to the Yeti
are usually reminiscent of human footprints, featuring either five or four toe prints. The tracks
of bears, mostly the Himalayan ones, might look exactly like human footprints when there is
an overlapping of the hindfoot print across the forefoot one. To understand the religious aspects
of Yetis, one must begin with the appreciation of their case as beings that retain a status neither
human nor nonhuman animal. A twelfth-century Tibetan text called the Mani Kabum has a
story about shared ancestry between humans and Yetis. Based on the Mani Kabum, Tibet was
formerly one huge lake that later turned into forests, animals, and mountains. The first Tibetans
were born on a mountain inhabited by a female rock ogress who was an incarnation of the
Buddhist deity of mercy, Drolma. This ogress mated with a monkey-an incarnation of
Chenrezig, the deity of compassion-and they produced six hybrid monkey-man children, who
thus became the ancestors of the original six Tibetan clans. They are described as short, hairy,
flat red faces, possibly standing erect, and may have had tails. These ancestors evolved into the
Tibetan people but, according to an oral tradition of Tibet, some did not evolve fully and
remained in the form of hirsute “wild people” or Sinpos. The story is that Yetis and humans
share a common ancestry but differ primarily in their historical evolution. What sets Sinpos
apart from other nonhuman animals is that they are precursors to humans but not quite human.
In the Mani Kabum, Sinpos embody a liminal space, not quite human, not quite nonhuman
animal. When mountaineer Reinhold Messner visited Gangtey Monastery in Bhutan, he
claimed to have seen a room with stuffed animal heads mounted on the wall, a typical
decoration in Tibetan monasteries to bless the space. What set Gangtey Monastery apart was
that a purported Yeti head had been placed higher than other animals like boars, tigers, and
sheep. The monastery’s religious leaders elaborated that this might indicate that rebirth into a
Yeti is compared to being more important than an animal. As such, this purported Yeti head
liminal deflected the boundary between human beings and nonhuman animals.

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Cultural Significance of Yeti in Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti”
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Cultural Representation and Symbolism
Evenings in Bhutan are spent in relaxation, while the people come out in the warm
afternoon sun to listen with rapt attention to storytellers. By night, the lamps provide what
could have been called dazzling light. The flickering goes on hypnotically in a showcase.
Through dancing shadows, images from fables, legends, and myths spring to life. The stories
come alive with such vivid reality in those moments that they engage the audience and draw
them right into the world of the tales themselves. Storytelling in Bhutanese society serves a
dual purpose: it not only amuses but also includes imparting knowledge. It used to be
paramount where oral was the only means through which many people learned history, settled
disputes, and learned to make sense of the world. The written word took over, and literacy
became the norm everywhere. Oral storytelling, like the naive youngest brother in old tales,
was often abandoned. Stories are at the centre of culture. Whether they survive through an
antagonist environment, hold memory for a community, reflect its values, or tell tales of heroes,
storytelling takes a central place in cultural identity and social identification, belonging by the
telling and retelling of myths, folk stories, and other oral traditions which anthropologists argue
reinforce group solidarity and identity. Stories heal, transform, give new life, and move people
to action. Stories, if forgotten and passed down no more, then a culture fades, its people lost.
Moreover this, indeed, is even more significant where formal education is not readily available
to all.
Kunzang Choden’s “Bhutanese Tales of the Yeti” offers a glimpse into Bhutanese
folklore through a series of stories featuring the mythical yeti, or migoi. This legendary creature
is said to inhabit the remotest Himalayan mountains, including Bhutan, thereby adding mystery
to this place. Choden’s collection delves into the cultural significance of the yeti in Bhutanese
society, portraying it as a creature commanding both fear and respect among locals. These
stories give glimpses of Bhutanese culture, its rapport with nature, and the age-old traditions
and beliefs building up an identity for this country. “The Migoi Does Not Bend” is a story that
unravels how close an association the Bhutanese have with the yeti. The title is a pun,
suggesting that Bhutanese culture is not divorced from the existence or the being of the yeti.
The story probably allegorizes the yeti, a legendary creature, at the centre and as part of
Bhutanese folklore and culture, signifying how folklore plays a massive part in shaping the
cultural identity and beliefs of a people. It is a metaphor for the built-in resilience of traditional
Bhutanese beliefs and values in the face of modernization and change. The yeti symbolises of
tradition in the face of external pressures, much like Bhutan’s efforts to preserve its traditions
in times of globalization and modern influence. The story most likely reflects the challenges
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Bhutan is facing in striking a balance between tradition and a fast-moving world that is making
all possible efforts to safeguard cultural heritage against the odds of modernization. The
following passage spells out in great detail the mysterious and supernatural qualities of the
migoi to underpin the ability of this being to both intimidate and mystify anyone who has the
fortune or misfortune to see it, and how elusive it is, as it goes further on to outline how it does
a disappearing act without a trace. This adds to the mysticism and fear surrounding the migoi
within Bhutanese folklore.
The creature stood still for a long time, looking at the men as if it were sizing them up.
It then turned and shuffled silently away in the opposite direction. The men couldn’t
take their eyes off the migoi; they stared at it, but in an instant, they were staring blankly
into space. Where could this huge giant have vanished suddenly? There one minute,
gone the next, and no bushes or cover anywhere around to hide in. It was only then that
the lhaende were found to have the powers of disappearing. (Choden 46)
The Bhutanese believe that yeti possesses a spirit bag called sem phatsa which gives them their
supernatural power. It is this bag that gives the creature its spirit without which Migoi/yeti
becomes spiritless and helpless. A spiritless mirgola, the creature is known by in some tales,
was said to make an excellent servant performing all kinds of tasks assigned to him without
any question. This belief in spirits and their existence can be reflected in the tale “The Mirgola’s
Spirit Bag.”
It was not a migoi, but rather this creature could be another elusive wild being, a
mirgola. The stories he had heard about the mirgola matched quite well with what he
now saw. If this were a mirgola, it would have a fleshy bag under its arm. This bag was
called the sem phatsa, or spirit bag, and it held the creature’s spirit. Should he lose his
bag, the mirgola would become a helpless creature devoid of spirit. The spiritless
mirgola was said to make an excellent servant, performing any tasks given to him
without question. (112)

Cultural significance of Yeti
The stories by Kunzang Choden are an attempt at collating and preserving of old myths,
fables, and rituals of Bhutan. According to Choden:
Some of the stories stayed so vivid in my mind even during my fourteen years of
cultural exile in India (at boarding school). They often provided a safe refuge and solace
during times of loneliness and depression as I tried to adjust to and later understand
other cultures. The memories of these stories helped maintain my connection to my
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roots and gave me a sense of identity. Even when trying to conform to being someone
else, I knew who I truly was! (13)
The tale, “Not Everybody Sees the Migoi,” suggests and confirms that it was few who ever
saw the migoi. The story unfolds and takes up themes such as mythological creatures, cultural
legends, human longings, temptations, and the mysteries of nature and the unknown.
The spirits of heaven and earth have ways of manifesting themselves to human beings.
They are said to appear in many diverse forms, the migoi being a common apparition.
… but they appear only to those who are predestined to see them. (117)
The Brokpa, otherwise known as Drokpa, is an aboriginal community that lives in the far-flung
Himalayan areas, part of which is inhabited by Bhutan. They have a rich cultural heritage and
relation with nature and its wildlife. Specific indigenous traditions are maintained by them,
along with extra-ordinary beliefs about the yeti. To the Brokpa, the yetis are as accurate as the
mountains around them; they believe unconditionally in their existence. Their interest is always
in the conditions and places of sighting these creatures from the Himalayas. Like all Bhutanese,
these creatures are regarded as supernatural beings serving the practical function for their belief
system in that they are considered as Nydag Shidag or the guardians of certain places. They
feel Penden Lhamo, the chief deity at Merak and Sakteng, has entrusted them with the
responsibility of safeguarding and protecting religious artefacts like statues and scriptures.
The Brokpa do not question the existence of the mirgoe, which for them is as real as
their mountains. The questions they are likely to ask are ‘when’ and ‘where’ one
encounters these co-inhabitants of the Himalayas. Like the other people of Bhutan,
the Brokpa regard these creatures as supernatural beings who occupy a definite place
in their world of beliefs they are seen as Nydag Shidag, or guardians of certain areas.
Moreover, they have been entrusted by Penden Lhamo, Merak and Sakteng’s main
deity, with the custodianship of the kuten-sungten (statues, scriptures, and religious
objects. (120)

Conclusion
The Bhutanese folktales and oral literature throw immense light on the social,
political, economic, and cultural variables of the ancient Bhutanese society about its several
norms and habits. They present the local view, complementary to the national narrative,
underscoring the importance of individual lives and experiences of ‘ordinary’ people in the
background of hegemony exercised by state power. To Theodor H. Gaster, folklore
represents the part of the people’s culture preserved explicitly and implicitly in generally
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accepted beliefs, practices, customs, and observances, in myths, legends, and tales, and in
arts and crafts, whose themes embody the spirit and temper of a group rather than an
individual. Bhutanese folklore and culture have contributed to the formation of a
community’s cultural identity, its belief systems, and other traditional aspects connected
with regular life. Folklore, consciously or unconsciously, states that amidst modernization
and change, Bhutanese tradition is vital, as represented through the yeti, and resilient in the
face of such external pressures. Traditions, like Bhutan’s struggles to maintain its pristine
culture during globalization and modern influences, have endured all these challenges when
the country still stood in its original state.

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