Unravelling the Essence of Bhuta Kola in Odisha through a Contextual Reading of Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi Budha https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684056

Unravelling the Essence of Bhuta Kola in Odisha through a Contextual Reading of Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi Budha

https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684056

Author(s): Aishwarya Mishra

DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13684056

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Volume 15 | Issue 4 | August 2024

Pages: 156-166

The Criterion: An International Journal in English Vol. 15, Issue-IV, August 2024 ISSN: 0976-8165
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https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10448030
Unravelling the Essence of Bhuta Kola in Odisha through a Contextual
Reading of Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi Budha
Aishwarya Mishra
Lecturer in English,
Lokanath Mohavidyalaya,
Kendrapara, Odisha.
Article History: Submitted-24/07/2024, Revised-15/08/2024, Accepted-21/08/2024, Published-31/08/2024.
Abstract:
The Bhuta rituals take place in many regions of Karnataka. The expression ‘Bhuta’
implies deity or divine being while ‘Kola’ signifies play. It is a prophecy that invoking the
divine beings are believed to recoup serendipity. It is also a means to alleviate local inhabitants
from their predicaments. This sort of folk tradition is explored in Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi
Budha which is translated into English as The Ancestor by Arun Kumar Mohanty. The novella
narrates the touching history of the Paraja tribe and their rich culture. It highlights the oral
tradition that is practised in the village of Lulla. It later chronicles the life of the villagers and
how this folk-wisdom is passed to succeeding generations.
Keywords: Kola, tradition, folk, impersonator, kalisi.
Introduction
Bhuta Kola is a formalistic folk dance distinctive of ballads which allude to the
performance and virtuousness of the spirits. In the course, this invites the spirits to take control
over the impersonator. Later, the Bhuta impersonator sways all night to the rhythm of the
beating drums. This ritual can be considered as a type of Shamanism practised in aboriginal
societies in which the imitator enters into a series of stupor. In this hypnotic condition the
imitator comes in contact with the heavenly spirits, treats the indisposed and guards the dead
souls into the realm of immortality. This oral tradition is preserved and passed to successive
lineages.
Bhutas are divine beings of anthropomorphic nature hallowed in shrines. The puja
ceremonies, mantra and ululations are performed by Brahmins. They have superior powers in
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Unravelling the Essence of Bhuta Kola in Odisha through a Contextual Reading of Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi
Budha
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https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10448030
the locale and are honoured in the same manner as kings. Bhuta Kola which is otherwise known
as Bhuta Worship is a significant ceremonial folk theatre of Tulunadu. This solemnity is
inherent to the life of the inhabitants of Tulu. P. Padmanabha, a scholar, opines that:
Evidently, the etymological meaning of the word encompasses a very wide field and
includes several categories which do not correspond to the spirits of the departed souls
that are being worshipped in the district. No doubt amongst the Bhutas there are quite
a few which are the departed souls of the dead (e.g.. Kooti, Channayya, Koddabbu etc.,
) especially warriors and those who perished in a violent manner; there are a few which
represent the elements (e.g., Maleraya is supposed to be the rain- spirit, walking on fire
in the form of burning cinders is also a form of worship) and a few which represent
animal species (Nandi (bull), Mahisandaye (buffalo), Panjurli (Pig), Pili (tiger), Naga
(cobra) etc. But these categories do not cover all, for there are quite a large number the
origins of which cannot be traced to either the souls of a departed man or the elements
or any particular animal. The term is much more comprehensive and eludes any precise
definition. (Gowda 18)
The Bhutas that are venerated in the region of Tulunadu are numerous. Each Bhuta is dissimilar
to others based on their name, symbol, genesis and habitancy. The benefactions that are offered
to the Bhutas also vary. Focusing on these conventions, the amount of impact of Bhuta
exercised on each tribal group also alters. Some of Bhutas are locally popular while others are
regionally well-received.
Rev. A Manner also distinguishes the Bhutas into the following categories, for instance,
those created by divinity, others who belong to the human arena, some inhabiting the residence
of people and those who dwell in the garden. He further adds other types such as “Family
Bhutas, Village Bhutas, Bhutas related to temples, Bhutas worshipped in the form of a bull,
horse, pig and many more, Bhutas who reside in stones, shrines, forest, Bhutas who are
worshipped by sudra patris, Bhutas worshipped by Brahmin priests, Bhutas worshipped by low
caste people.” (Gowda 20)
The worship of Bhuta is closely attached to human society and traditions. The essence
of Bhuta worship can be specified into two groups. The first one is presumed as internal facet
which comprise the chanting of Paaddanas dancing, decking up in costumes such as Gaggara,
make up, presenting dialogue and indulging in feasts. It includes the comprehensive
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atmosphere for the staging which is in conjugation with the beating of the drum named as
tembare.
The outer facet of Bhuta worship includes the reduction or expansion of Bhuta ritual.
Bhuta Kola has presented the function and signification of contemporary times in some way
preserving its social pertinence. The tendencies of communal, political and juridical structure
of Tulunadu are manifested in the framework of Bhuta Kola. The modifications that are
effected in Bhuta worship are subject to societal intrusions. The ritualistic manifestations of
Bhuta worship can be considered to have originated from Nalike community is popular for the
peripatetic custom of moving from one house to another while simultaneously chanting and
dancing in the hope of receiving grains.
This technique is observed as a method of purging the bad omen and assuring
serendipity to the tribal village. The Bhuta Kola owes its constitution to the dynamics of social
strata of the tribal regions. The tribal people nurture the cultural distinctiveness within
themselves which is in turn exhibited in the performances of Bhuta worship. The notions of
‘Madi-Mailige’ or cleanness-contamination, superiority and inferiority corroborate to the inter-
communal differentiations and identities.
The Paaddanas are the mournful chanting of Bhuta Kola. These songs sing about the
disputes in the society. The conflicts between the different classes of people. It also narrates
the social inconsistencies of the past that persist to afflict the contemporary times. The
structuring and mobilising of the ritualistic forms are undertaken by numerous communities in
a tribal village.
Some of the acts, for instance, shouting blaringly, consuming fire, injuring oneself with
a sword, stepping on the embers possess deep meaning and significance. Through the
impersonator the collective mouthpiece of the tribal society finds an expression to a certain
extent voicing out the despotism in society. Everyone enters a world of illusion. The immanent
forces appear to be administering within bounds of the delusive cosmos fabricated between the
point of reality.
The Bhuta ceremonies occur with beating of the drums. The aerophones are played by
purusa instrumentalists. The persons acting as forum for spirits dance on all sides of the altar.
The bhutas include regional heroes or the soul of wild animals residing in the forests. These
creatures are glorified and elevated to the position of a deity. They are harmoniously integrated
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with the local surrounding. The sakti of these bhutas permeates through the thick woods, stays
on the ponds and spreads about the cultivated land and villages.
As a result, the Bhutas emanate from and personify the essence of pious wilderness. In
hamlets, the bhuta ceremonies connect people to their natural surroundings. It also legitimises
the social stratum of the village. The inhabitants proffer benefactions to the shrines and are
awarded with oracles and protection from the Bhuta impersonators. These proceedings reshape
the communal, spiritual and ecological situation of the village. The association of the local
people with their Bhuta has been important in matters such as decision-making.
This structure of folk culture and oral history is depicted in Gopinath Mohanty’s Dadi
Budha which is translated into English as The Ancestor. In the novel, there is an alluring range
of mountains that circumnavigate the Lulla village fabricating the mirage of multitudinous
vimans. The mountain summits lean towards a dale at the core. The dale is filled with greenery.
The river Muran flows through the valley. The Paraja tribe reside in this village.
The observation of Bhuta Kola initiates with the equipment of the Bhuta being gathered
at the holy place. This location acts as a platform for jamboree. The impersonator makes
ancillary preparations such as applying make-up, costumes and ornaments. The patron
summons the spirit to begin his performance. As the impersonator starts dancing, the divine
soul permeates the body. The patron and his subordinates surround the Bhuta impersonator.
They make several offerings such as the throat of a chicken is cut or any other animal
is sacrificed. Other offerings include parched rice, banana, betel leaf, ghee and nuts. The
objections and discernments are conducted orally. The spirit takes the ultimate decision after
hearing the sides of both complainant and litigant. Occasionally, the verdict is delivered by the
folding of betel leaf and adding up the petals of areca flower.
The chieftain of the village, Ram Muduli summons the panchayat. The main pathway
of the hamlet is supported by a reclining banyan tree. All the villagers assemble near the
veraman. The veraman is hemmed in stones that are passed in the memory of many villagers.
The stone that seems like a spear is positioned in the honor of a male person while a levelled
one is planted in the honor of a female person. During the meeting, the villagers get seated on
these slabs and witness the dhangdi performances.
The elderly dishari stations himself in the centre. He is immersed in the intoxication of
country drink. He possesses a tote bag containing articles such as a greasy pothi, fine particles
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of varied colors, an enchanted bone, dagger, spear and a sword. The elderly dishari requests
Shyam gurumai to begin his ululations. Shyam gurumai is an adult male who displays long
hair. He dresses himself in a saree and a nose pin. Although, he has no specific gender identity,
he is gifted with mystical excellence.
The villagers think it likely that as gurumai is not either male or female, he owns some
seraphic powers. He is also taken over by spirits so he is named as gurumai. It is likely to know
that, “every village had its own gurumais. Children offered by parents to the mercy of gods
were called gurumais. They were the spirit of gopis. Whatever they might be at other times, in
the course of a puja they were nothing but women.” (Mohanty 5)
He situates himself near the dishari. The dishari embellishes the ground and lights an
oil lamp. A celibate lad prepares some rice by setting up the fire. The dishari pours the rice on
a parched leaf-cup, disperses few bhalia fruits and places a stick on it. He places the leaf-cup
on the head of gurumai and chants few mantras.
He latter furnishes with a wooden sword and a spear to gurumai. Shyam gurumai drops
down into a hypnotic state as if he is taken over by the kalisi. Shyam gurumai dances to the
beats of the drum for over an hour. Several women lift themselves up and dance with their
unkempt hair.
The pigeons and cocks are slaughtered nearby and offer to kalisi possessed Shyam
gurumai as sacrifice. The gurumai whirls and twirls fermenting the dust across the board. He
screams vehemently, “yesterday I shouted so many times during the early hours of the night. I
kept on shouting, but you simply did not care to listen to me. I said thrice- I’ll eat, I’ll eat, I’ll
eat.” (Mohanty 6)
The dishari drinks country alcohol and sways on the other side. Succeeding, animal
sacrifices are performed. The throats of goat and chicken are cut and poured on the face of
Shyam gurumai. Later, he transforms to Dadi Budha, the genealogical spirit of the Lulla village.
The gurumai again utters the words of vengeance, “I’m Dadi Budha, your creator, yet
you all ignore me. In every village they worship their Dadi Budha. But you don’t worship yours
in your village. You’ve never offered me a chicken or a goat, a pigeon or even some water. I
roam about miserably on an empty stomach. This is my last warning. I shall wait for three more
days. After that I’ll eat and I’ll eat. I’ll eat you up.” (Mohanty 6) Hearing this the villagers bow
down and apologise.
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They feel relaxed upon realising that Dadi Budha has offered them a time period of
three days. The resting drums regain their life and the inhabitants dance to the core. A billy goat
is slaughtered and the neck of pigeons and chickens are cut. The blood of these creatures is
splattered on the face of the demi-god. The inhabitants offer prayers to the divine spirit.
Concurrently, Shyam gurumai runs to a tiny hillock situated at the centre of the village.
The occupants of the village follow him in unison. The humming and beating of drums are
heard. Shyam gurumai clasps a date palm tree and falls unconscious. The dishari announces
that, “we’ve got the answer. From today Dadi Budha will live here. Never forget to offer your
prayers.” (Mohanty 7)
The villagers dance in utter excitement to the beating of the drums. They position the
eternal god, Dadi Budha in the date-palm tree by cutting the upper part of the tree. The dishari
chants few mantras by facing the tree. He dredges vermillion on the floor and fastens a cane in
the nook. The tree is cut to the height of a man. The exterior of the tree is blemished from all
sides with hundreds of axes. It is later painted with colours of black, red and white. The cicatrix
seems like lesions stuffed with quicklime and turmeric. The head of tree is covered with white
linen that gives the appearance of a turban. Dadi Budha sits there as a heedful guardian keeping
the daily affairs of the village under his surveillance.
Dadi Budha, the eternal familial spirit is an amiable demi-god of the village of Lulla.
He is illustrated through a prehistoric date palm tree of the village. The tree stands for the
ethnological and societal legacy of the occupants manifested through their folk tradition. As it
is said, “The tribals of Koraput do not call one’s father’s brother, dadi; by it they mean one’s
father’s father and his father. Likewise, for them shasura is not one’s wife’s father, but her
brother. The languages of the Parajas and the Kondhs blend when the words dadi and budha
combine. In the Kondh language, budha means father’s father”. (Mohanty 7)
Dadi Budha is an unspeaking onlooker of the joyfulness and hardships of the villagers.
From eerie to immanence, barring none of the dealings of the village is administered by him.
He never displays his disdainfulness until he is fuelled. He is silent so anyone can articulate his
thoughts and become his spokesman. He watches the toddlers and youth lingering near the
grazing land. He stands still on the mound and observes the youth playing and composing lyrics
in the dhangda-hall.
The fields of wheat and ragi looked green at a distance. The gardens where vegetables
are planted are surrounded by fences made from offshoots. Dadi Budha’s offsprings loiter and
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play in the fields during the evening. He takes a nap in between these happenings. A large
number of people walk past the shrine of Dadi Budha and visit the market on Friday. Some
recumbent themselves near the deity while others watch indifferently. Dadi Budha gazed
silently at them, “as he did not have a mouth; he was a god.” (Mohanty 9)
He stands wordlessly in the sweltering heat of the month of Baisakh and the ceaseless
cloudburst of Jyeshtha. He remains valiant to the chilly breeze of Kartik. He is unaffected by
any external stimuli. A hillock of termite rises beside the shrine of Dadi Budha. Seeing this, the
villagers do not try to damage it. They are of the opinion that Dadi Budha stands lonely so he
has asked for another divine spirit to accompany him. The local folk name the mound as Hunka
Budha. Both Dadi and Hunka Budha shower their blessings on the village. Any woman who is
infertile and ailing comes to the mound regularly and prays for the betterment of her life.
It has been planned that Ram Muduli’s sole child, Thenga Jani will take his father’s
position as chieftain of the village. This is will take place with due permission of the revenue
officer. The young ladies of the village desire to marry Thenga Jani so as to become the
daughter-in-law of the chieftain’s family. When Thenga sings songs such as Suan Phoola or
Champabati, every other girl would warble in response.
Occasionally, Thenga stops and thinks that whom he should marry. The young girls’
whirl around the fire during the night. Thenga and his companions gaze at them. He sometimes
feels to take one of them near the hillock of Dadi Budha. He is at his brimming youth. When
he thinks of taking one of them, the thought of another girl strikes him. Thenga’s mind burns
steadily but “despite all this no particular girl could occupy his heart. He laughed, played,
jumped but always stopped at the threshold.” (Mohanty 11)
Now and then, Ram Muduli pays a visit to the shrine of Dadi Budha. He asks the benign
spirit to find a suitable match for his son. He repeatedly utters, “Dadi Budha, last year, five of
my cows died, let it not happen this year. I’ll offer you chickens and pigeons. I shall offer you
wine. Please do not let this happen again; or else I shall die.”(Mohanty 13)
At other times, Hari Jani would also come and plead in front of Dadi Budha to organise
the marriage of his daughter with Thenga. For which he shall put up, “a bullock and a tin of
cooked wine” in return. Dadi Budha is venerated to the core by the villagers. All are hopeful
that Dadi Budha would someday fulfil their desire. The desiccated flowers lay all around near
the shrine of Dadi Budha. Numerous chickens are slaughtered to the fore.
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The villagers also beg that the police should not pay a visit for inspection. They also
pray that the inspector may fall in any awkward situation that would refrain his coming to the
village. They utter the words, “let us not return empty-handed tonight. You alone are our well-
wisher. Who else is there to listen to our prayers?” They bow in front of the hillock and return
home with a burgeoning hope.
In this imaginary world of Lulla village, Dadi Budha as the Bhuta utilises a human who
is distinctively dressed and is isolated from the material world. A medium is established
between the cosmos of the Bhuta and the physical realm. The Bhuta dressed in vibrant attire is
appeased with adequate oblation. This credence has led to the development of culture of the
tribal land. It has also renewed the rituals and ceremonies of the people.
These code of beliefs and traditions have been observed continually corroborating to
the oral history of Bhuta practice. Rev. A.C. Burnell presents a report on Bhuta Kola conducted
in the residence of Dumappa in the Mangalore district. He accounts that the culture of Bhuta
has been kept unharmed since numerous decades.
Hinged on the territorial potential, Bhutas are categorised into following groups. Bhutas
belonging to Siime or Naadu, Maagare, Graame, Uuru, Guttu, Kutumba. The category of
Bhutas of Siime or Naadu are regarded as Royal or Arasu Bhutas. The other class of Bhutas
are inferior to Bhutas of Siime. They also show respect to this category of Bhuta. The
administrative powers are vested on the Bhutas of Siime.
The supreme ruler of Siime is regarded as Innuuraala Arasu or the ruler of thousand
men. The king’s throne is named as Saaviraala Patta. In certain places the Panjurli Bhuta is
viewed as Saaviraala Panjurli. The westerners especially the missionaries such as A.C. Burnell,
R.C. Temple, M.J. Walhouse and Rev. A. Manner have examined the Paaddnas that are
otherwise named as oral epics associated with the Bhuta idolization as utterances of ancient
religious practices. The illustration of Bhuta as a ‘demon’ is an assertion by the indigenous
population. They worship and honour the demon instead of God and assume the ‘Bhuta’ as a
liberator of their tribe. There is a confluence of place, time and surrounding in a way leading
to the creation of a transcendental sphere.
The veneration of Bhuta as a semblance of folk culture of coastal Karnataka is
visualised as a compound and ingenious combination of oral histories and dramatic executions.
These histories are supported by the idea that they comprise both the belief system and
illustrative utterances of folk creeds hammering out the terrors and plans of expiation and
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conciliation. The enthusiasm and emancipation of oral histories fuse with the bleak formality
of the conventional fashion of worship.
There is an ardent collusive folk-art structure of melodious and ocular types blend with
popular sect and pious beliefs. Nevertheless, these descriptions originate from the fossilised
social stratum conjoined with the sufferings they cause. They have fabricated a form of art
based on the oral historical facts and their ceremonial presentations. This form of art is
vulnerable to the folk tradition of Tulunadu in a way exhibiting the historical underpinnings to
the fore.
The worship of Bhutas serve as an additional narrative to the archives of Tulunadu.
There are various phases of Bhuta worship. Each phase is exceptional and acts as a benefaction
to the seraphic powers. Although, the nucleus remains unchanged, the various types of Bhutas
are touched by cultural and social forces. As stated by, P. Padmanabha, “The most common
features are the invoking of the Bhuta and its impersonation by a professional functionary, the
offerings of food and drinks (including animal sacrifice at certain places), the bringing together
of the various functional castes of the village, the absence of caste feelings and prejudices, the
divine guidance sought by the local leaders for the welfare of the villagers and the solutions
sought by the votaries themselves in respect of their personal problems”.(pg 35 structure and
dynamics)
The region of Tulunadu has endeavoured to set afloat a vital historical convention of
academic research on oral histories of local enthusiasts. It is noteworthy that the local scholars
of Tulunadu are students of Kannada literature. They are outrageously absorbed in the artistic
taste of oral literary tradition of Tulunadu. There is the use of an extensive lexicon and choice
of words supported by touching scenic beauty. The oral histories are sterling in nature depicting
the marvellous style in which it depicts the rustic world of Tulunadu.
The imitators of Bhuta abide by the specified manners of dramatic presentations. The
screeches, supercilious addresses to the landlord or audience, the muttering of maledictions,
the twirling of torch or thrusting oneself create intense theatrical outcome. The entire
dramaturgical presentation in this exceptional domain momentarily alters the balance between
the autocrat and the enslaved. But the aforesaid alteration is imputed to an auspicious occasion
fabricated for the cause.
It is fascinating to take note of the fact that many businessmen and industrialists provide
fundings for the worship of Bhuta. The shrines of Bhuta are being reconstructed exhibiting
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brand-new aesthetic patterns. Other facilities like piped water and terraces have been
constructed. The method of addressing the villagers, contemporary songs, flashlights as well
as jewellery made up of gold and silver have added up to the hue of conventional ceremony.
In the village there is a Sthana of Bhuta which is regarded as a place where the Bhuta.
The totem is made to inhabit a location especially the centre of the village such as the hillock
in the Lulla village where Dadi Budha rests. The local folk venerate the daiva by offering
flowers and other delicacies. Not only in Tulu regions but also in the Lulla village of Koraput
district regard the Bhuta with extreme admiration. The villagers place the Bhuta on a high
pedestal. He acts as a sole guardian and protector of the local people.
If any kind of dispute occurs in the village the impersonator of Bhuta provides his
judgement. It attracts the people of all divisions of the society. It has immediate association
with the physical and psychical satisfaction of local people. It has also assisted in treating
several diseases. These sort of practices are prevalent in Thailand. In Thailand, numerous
shelters have been built for the spirits so that they can have proper access to the land. The spirits
help in business and agricultural matters. They protect the natural environment and secure
harvest in abundance.
Conclusion
The heritage of Bhuta worship has remained lively in the contemporary times. It has
engrossed in the societal transformations which later secures its spirited powers. The foremost
criteria that is evident in Bhuta Kola is the establishment of balance with ecology. The ritual
alters the failure of crop yield. It allows the tribal societies to keep their cultural identities
unimpaired even in an epoch of advancement in technology.

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